A House Divided
LEARN-SENTRO Statement on Statement on Congressional Developments during Vice President Duterte’s Impeachment Vote
By our Constitution, the Philippine Congress is supposedly the reflection of the popular will of our people. Through the Senate and the Lower House, our elected representatives are expected to serve the interests of the citizens that they serve. Beyond popularity and political opportunism, the “people’s representatives” are expected to think, act, and position with the best interests of their constituencies at heart.
The Labor Education and Research Network (LEARN) and the Sentro ng mga Nagkakaisa at Progresibong Manggagawa (SENTRO) express great alarm at the political developments this May 11th, 2026. What transpired in the halls of the Senate is a betrayal of the people’s trust. We are left with a divided Congress. As the saying goes, this divided house derails all attempts at accountability through institutional channels.
While we commend the House of Representatives for its principled stand for constitutional process, we are worried that forces are at work to paralyze accountability before the Senate. The shameless behavior of the dishonorable Bato de la Rosa is especially insulting to Filipino workers. Following his months-long absence from his responsibilities as a Senator, his attendance just to vote on the Senate’s leadership change demonstrates that self-interest and self-preservation are the only factors that matter to him.
His continued acceptance of a 300,000-peso monthly salary despite his 6-month absence says everything we need to know about his character, and the moral compass of those that remain allied with him. LEARN and SENTRO condemn the brazen political manoeuvre of the Duterte Senators not for truth, but only to save their political patron.
Given the political changes in the Senate, the institution is now hard-pressed to demonstrate where its true loyalty rests — is it in genuine, principled service of the people, or will it be for opportunism, and service to political allies?
Now that the articles of impeachment have passed the Lower House, we believe that the Senate is now duty-bound to fulfill its constitutionally mandated role to immediately convene an impeachment trial. The allegations against Vice President Duterte demand answers. We Filipinos deserve answers. We deserve to know whether or not the second-highest official of the land has betrayed the public’s trust by robbing the people she claims she is serving.
Contrary to (dis)honorable representative Marcoleta’s assertion, the people that attended the impeachment proceedings are not “hakot.” They are the representatives of the social movements, trade unions, people’s organizations, church and civil society groups, and the millions of workers who are watching the impeachment proceedings.
All eyes are now on the Senate. The same people who attended the impeachment vote today are a fraction of the workers, social movements, and citizens who will continue to mobilize for accountability. We would like to remind our lawmakers that the people are no strangers to forcing political change, should our institutions fail us. Those who will stand on the side of truth and accountability will be remembered by history. Those who will vote for themselves and personal loyalty will earn the people’s disgust.
Beyond Ritual and Sloganering: Unionism in an Age of Monsters
LEARN & SENTRO Joint Statement on International Labor Day 2026
Going beyond the tired, ritualistic calls for worker’s action, a serious engagement with the history of May Day can be an inspiration for working class mobilization against the threats of our time.
An Unraveling Decades in the Making
“There are decades where nothing happens, and weeks where decades happen” is a widely used quote attributed to a certain (in)famous Russian revolutionary from the 20th century. In many ways, this statement captures the political upheaval of our time.
Liberal multilateralism, as expressed by the United Nations System and the institutions of economic globalization such as the IMF and WTO, is now facing a serious, even existential threat. Decades of inequality and the disconnect between the promise and fruits of neoliberalism has bred widespread resentment at the current international order. Viewed this way, Trump’s illiberalism, inconsistency, and disregard for the United States’ historic role in propping up multilateralism is both familiar and exceptional — it is a clear sign of the system breaking down. A few months ago it was Venezuela, now it is Iran. Who knows where the next flash point will be.
The consequences of neoliberalism’s decline are not just symbolic or abstract. As the current global oil crisis shows, it is both deadly and direct.
Organized Labor as a Bedrock of International Solidarity
Despite their obvious shortcomings, simply doing away with the institutions of global multilateralism will do more harm than good. The current surge of right wing, nationalist, and nativist forces threatens to throw humanity back into the chaos of great power competition abroad and unchecked exploitation at home. Trump’s “might makes right” attitude to Venezuela, Cuba, and Iran does not bode well for Ukraine, Taiwan, and Palestine too.
A retreat from internationalism will mean a retreat (symbolically at least) for the cause of human rights, global solidarity, and shared standards of accountability. This will mean the rise and rule of monsters supervising genocide abroad, division and oppression at home.
As social movements, trade unions, and other progressive forces struggle to chart a path forward, a serious, forward-looking engagement with our history might provide the necessary political inspiration. Here, the experiences and memory of the international labor movement could prove instructive. With a long (albeit inconsistent) history of confronting capital, the traditions and history of organized labor is infused with the commitment to international solidarity and universal human rights.
Going Beyond Political Theatre
It is time for those that believe in the cause of human rights and international solidarity to confront the present crises head on. Beyond the annual political theatre, International Labor Day remains charged with the memory of struggle. This struggle is for both international solidarity among workers and the assertion that another system, another world even, is possible. It is time that we take its disruptive character seriously. Too often our mobilizations end up as symbolic condemnations — devoid of any clear political strategy or serious consequence for the ruling powers.
In the Philippines, our contribution to international solidarity demands that we confront the structural roots of oppression. We do this with the full knowledge that what we are facing at home is part of a system with a global political and economic logic. As we take to the streets this May Day, we are demanding systemic solutions to our systemic problems.
Such a response must necessarily incorporate workers longstanding demands for a wage hike and a wealth tax. The wage hike is an important step towards correcting the Philippine development strategy centered on wage suppression to attract foreign investment. The wealth tax will help correct the country’s seriously regressive tax system — as with other places where neoliberal policies have taken effect, the middle and working classes shoulder the bulk of taxes while the ultra rich are able to escape their social obligation. The added revenue will also boost the capacity of the Philippine state to fund public programs, services, and eventually, serious plans for strategic economic sectors and industries.
To LEARN and SENTRO, it is clear that these demands are not just for the material interests of Filipino workers. It is part of the global struggle to roll back decades of privatization, commodification, and exploitation under neoliberal globalization.
No Good Jobs in Economy of Permanent Crisis
LEARN Statement on 2026 February LFS
At surface level, the February 2026 Labor Force Survey (LFS) shows an improvement in the labor market compared to January. But yearly observations reveal the declining national performance in supplying quality jobs.
This is a trend that can be observed across the data: Higher employment, lower unemployment, and lower underemployment from January, but all still underperforming compared to February last year.
At best, the data shows an uptick in the labor market. However, closer examination would prove this to be part of the seasonal trends in jobs which we have long observed. Instead, what we see is an overall decrease in the quantity and quality of jobs.
Services dominate the job market at the expense of agriculture and industry — a constant trend for years.
Industry in particular has shrunk from 18.3% to 17.7% since last year, while the agricultural sector bled around 523,000 jobs this year. Both sectors have a key role in ensuring that we build a competitive national economy resistant to economic shocks such as the current oil crisis, Investment in the industrial sector for example could curb the decline in the power of the Philippine Peso by having a larger value capture of global supply chains that we are already part of, while a robust and developed agricultural sector would help ensure food security.
Instead, the year to year comparison shows administrative and support services seeing the biggest increase in employment, including temporary employment and offshore services. We also see greater insecurity in employment because of the temporary nature of work in the sector.
All of these conditions leave us sorely unprepared to face the current worldwide crisis: The ongoing war between US-Israel and Iran could result in major repercussions for the energy sector, with a potential ripple effect across the economy, particularly on the cost of living crisis already biting many. Assurance of the Iranian Government allowing Philippine-bound vessels to pass through the Strait of Hormuz for much-needed fuel will relieve some of these impacts. However, this on its own will not solve all of the pressures we are facing. Beyond quick fixes and dependence on external developments, the Philippine government needs to take strategic steps to ensure economic stability in the face of current and future uncertainties.
It is because of this that LEARN calls for a change in national labor strategy: Shift from market-led interventions to proactive people-centric responses. We reiterate our call for the government to develop and invest in our industry and agriculture sectors for long-term economic security. As the 21st century promises many uncertainties and challenges to the nation, we cannot afford to be nearsighted in industrial policy.
Workers Need a Plan, Not Emergency Powers!
Statement of LEARN on President Marcos Jr.’s Acknowledgement of an Oil Crisis
Almost a month since geopolitical tensions in the Middle East exploded into another war between Iran and the United States and Israel, the Philippine government continues to be sluggish in addressing Filipino’s urgent concerns. As motorists — from the well-off SUV driving middle classes, to the motorcycle riding working masses — began a mad rush to gas stations, the government continued to pretend that everything was normal.
No less than president Marcos Jr. himself repeatedly said for weeks that there was no crisis in our oil supply, until he suddenly declared a “national energy emergency”.
With an unreliable government and rising pressures on the cost of living, it is understandable for Filipinos to respond with a wide range of emotions. One of these is to turn on each other for the perceived unevenness of the government’s relief programs. However, to blame the working poor for “ayuda” or to demand the same for the middle classes misses the point.
The entire nation is struggling, and the precariousness of the “privileged” middle class may be a sign that they share many similarities with the working poor after all. Perhaps the working class is broad enough to include the professional graphic designer, BPO worker, and the tricycle driver. Targeted “ayuda” programs are necessary, but they are insufficient in the absence of a comprehensive package of programs and reforms.
Instead of arguing who deserves assistance more, LEARN believes that the people’s energy is better spent pushing the State for a strategic response to the present crisis. Together with trade unions, social movements, and civil society, we join the call to review the oil deregulation law and improve the government’s ability to directly intervene in economic decision-making. Doing so could provide the government with an important tool for mitigating the pressure caused by supply disruptions and shocks.
As we continue to provide emergency relief to transport workers and low-income households, it is important that we ensure food security by providing subsidies and adequate services to farmers who also face rising fertilizer prices due to the supply shock.
Beyond short-term ayuda programs, we believe that it is time for the government to develop a serious public employment program, and actually take steps to formulate the agro-industrial policy required to generate good, quality jobs. Given our vulnerability to the climate crisis and disruptions to oil supplies, these policies must be geared towards developing and expanding renewable energy sources.
As these short and long-term interventions require funding, the move to suspend excise taxes might do more harm than good. Rather than cut existing funding sources, LEARN argues that a wealth tax for the country’s ultra wealthy would go far in raising the revenues to adequately support state support for all Filipinos.
Finally, the declaration of a national energy emergency is a recognition of the current crisis, but it raises more questions than answers. To declare an emergency without a clear plan invites the possibility of abusing emergency powers. In the wake of the unresolved flood control scandal, it is doubtful if Filipinos can trust the administration with this increased discretion. Furthermore, existing laws and policies already give the government the mandate to implement many of the actions that the emergency declaration calls for. Why then is the declaration necessary?
Whatever national strategies will be developed must be done through a consultative, people-centric approach. Instead of ambiguous announcements of emergency power, we call for the government to convene a national summit with trade unions, civil society, and the business sector. Developing responses with the active participation of the people bearing the brunt of the crisis will help ensure that interventions are relevant to the people’s needs, and accurately reflect our concerns and interests.
Filipinos are Patient, until we Revolt: Commemorating the 40th Anniversary of the EDSA People Power Revolution — SENTRO & LEARN Joint Statement
History is filled with struggles, wars, and revolts against poverty, oppression, and for national liberation, even social revolution. In many of these battles the organized working classes have played a pivotal role in pushing for democracy and wealth redistribution. Because of our bias for justice, fairness, and popular power, we Filipino workers found ourselves part of the 1986 revolution that toppled a dictatorship and restored our formal democratic institutions.
40 years since, it is clear that the fight for democracy and wealth redistribution are far from over. As we commemorate the 40th anniversary of the EDSA People Power Revolution, the Sentro ng mga Nagkakaisa at Progresibong Manggagawa (SENTRO) and Labor Education and Research Network (LEARN) calls for us to draw courage from a simple fact of history — Filipinos are patient. But when we snap, we have the power to topple presidents and bring down dynasties.
For two decades, Ferdinand Marcos Sr. and his cronies abused and stole from the people. Yet, his reign could not last forever. Years of organized opposition and the people’s frustration eventually exploded into a popular revolt that gave way to our current democratic order. Yet, the years after 1986 showed both the great lengths and limits of our people’s patience.
Using the excuse of “De-Marcosification” the ruling elites embraced a policy of rampant privatization and the embrace of transnational and multinational corporations. At the same time, political dynasties — both pro and anti-Marcos — tightened their grip over the Philippine archipelago. As a result, Filipinos saw little improvement in our quality of life. Poverty, unemployment, inhumane working conditions, contractualization, unlivable wages, bootlicking of foreigners, failing industries, harassment of organized workers and government critics, and the killings of any who dare speak against the powers that be — these continued to be the state of the nation, even decades under democracy.
With little difference under dictatorship or democracy, it is unsurprising that in a single lifetime we saw two EDSA revolutions (or three, depending on who’s counting), the presidency of the murderous Duterte, and the election of another Ferdinand Marcos as president.
40 years after EDSA, the lesson is clear. Regardless of whoever sits in authority – as long as the system keeps power and wealth concentrated to a select few — very little will change. We must overhaul our political and economic system to ensure that power, ownership, and production are for the benefit of the people, not the elite.
The massive protests during the height of the 2025 flood control scandal shows us that the people’s patience is once again running thin. Whether the movement against corruption will grow into a political force against the system will depend on many of the forces and people commemorating the EDSA revolution today. To ensure that the people’s rage and frustration can feed a politics of transformation, SENTRO and LEARN echo the following political demands:
The end to all political dynasties, so that power can no longer be accumulated by any single family against the detriment of the nation;
The end to corruption in government, through punishment of the corrupt and the assurance that no official could ever steal from public coffers;
The redistribution of wealth, through living wages, the full protection of workers, and the people’s enjoyment of quality public services such as healthcare, accessible education, and affordable housing.
40 years after EDSA I, the struggle for liberation against the ruling elites continues. Let those that profit from the people’s poverty and oppression remember that Filipinos are extremely patient. But that patience has limits.
Imperialist, Reckless, Dangerous: SENTRO-LEARN Joint Statement Condemning the US Abduction of Venezuelan President Maduro
The US empire continues to cast a long shadow over the people of Latin America. Since the Monroe doctrine, to clandestine machinations during the Cold War and beyond, the struggle for liberation in this continent has always been a struggle against both local elites and the United States. In this context, democracy is not just a matter of process, it is a question of substance. Who holds power? The people? A colonial master? Dictators who claim to speak on behalf of their nation? For Latin American workers and social movements, answering this question continues to shape the continent’s history. Today, the brazen acts of US imperialism brings this question to the fore once again.
The Labor Education and Research Network (LEARN) and Sentro ng mga Nagkakaisa at Progresibong Manggagawa (SENTRO) strongly condemn the recent abduction of Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro and the First Lady Cilia Flores by United States forces last night, January 3rd. In attacking the Venezuelan capital and kidnapping its head of state, the United States has dealt a grievous blow not only to the principle of sovereignty and independence. The attack is also a major assault on the rules-based international order. This very order was formed in the wake of two devastating world wars sparked by nations operating on the principle of might makes right. Viewed in this light, the American operation in Caracas is simultaneously an issue of democracy (Trump acted unilaterally without authority from Congress), colonialism, and geopolitical tension.
For LEARN and SENTRO, the impunity with which American officials planned and conducted the abduction of a head of state revives the specter of colonialism that defines the US’ relationship with Latin American countries.
Despite its flaws, the Bolivarian experiment is still an example of state-led development that runs against neoliberal orthodoxy. With Trump saying that the US will “run Venezuela”, we can expect that Washington plans to demolish the public sector and enforce neoliberal policies on the country. This will inevitably give free reign to the private sector, especially transnational US corporations, at the expense of working people.
What has transpired before the world is nothing more than a blatant attempt at regime change to secure the political and economic interests of the US empire.
More dangerously, the American example might encourage other powers to violate the international system governing the behavior of States. If the United States could simply remove a head of state in a county it views as under its sphere of influence, what’s stopping continued Russian aggression in Ukraine? Chinese moves in Taiwan? What does the American example mean for the thousands of political exiles that their emboldened governments might attack? If a sitting president can be arrested by another nation, how much more dissident journalists, unionists, and activists?
It is for this reason that LEARN and SENTRO are greatly worried by the repercussions of this unilateral American action. Despite the obvious failures of multilateral institutions, a retreat from the noble vision of the United Nations is detrimental to democracy, human rights, and the spirit of human solidarity.
For the international trade union movement, the events in Latin American must be viewed with great concern. We must view this as intimately connected with attempts to silence workers and suppress self-determination in Ukraine, Myanmar, and the present maritime tensions in Southeast Asia.
To borrow from Vaclav Havel, when the dignity of workers is crushed in Venezuela, does that violence not echo across borders, striking the dignity of the working class everywhere?
We call on workers, social movements, and all peace-loving peoples to condemn the US action. We also call for the reform of the existing multilateral order to reflect the original vision articulated in the foundation of the United Nations.
Quality, Not Just the Quantity of Jobs: LEARN Statement on the Recent Labor Force Survey
According to recent government statistics, the unemployment rate in the country had dropped from 2.59 million in July to 2.03 million this August. Normally, we would warmly greet a reduction in unemployment. However, given the multitude of issues faced by Filipino workers, including the Philippines being among the top ten worst countries for workers in 2025, we must look at the statistics critically.
Looking at data from August of the previous year, the data points to little to no significant change in the national situation. The numbers haven’t changed since 2022. The overall labor participation rate hovers between 64% and 65% for the past three years, the latest update indicating an upward development. Overall unemployment and underemployment seem to have decreased as well. However, is the overall government policy on employment really delivering good, quality, and secure jobs for Filipinos?
Focusing on youth employment, the data does point to a quantitative increase in jobs. But qualitatively, the quality of available jobs are problematic. Many young people who have just entered the workforce feel that they do not earn enough to sustain themselves and their families, which is illustrated by a higher youth underemployment rate compared to last year.
As trade unions have repeatedly emphasized, chronic underemployment suggests that workers need multiple jobs to survive. This is supported by the fact that minimum wages fall far below the poverty threshold.
With the lack of systemic reforms on industrial relations and worker’s rights, it is highly questionable whether or not there are actual, tangible improvements for working people. Contractualization still remains a rampant practice across industries, leaving workers perpetually vulnerable. Although women’s participation rate has increased, there still exists a 20% gap between them and men. The statistics also do not reflect the additional burden of care work that women do at home, which affects their socioeconomic independence.
To remedy these issues, the government must design a comprehensive industrial and employment policy that would prioritise the wellbeing of the working class. Statistics and numbers may provide a rosy picture of the national situation, but workers’ daily experiences suggest otherwise.
Don’t Antagonize, Organize the People’s Rage: Reflections on the Protests Against Massive Government Corruption of 2025
September 21st, 2025 was a historic day for the Philippines. The 53rd anniversary of Martial Law’s declaration was again met with massive organized protest. But the day was not just about atrocities committed decades ago. The day was historic because people, in our hundreds of thousands, took to the streets to protest our oppression and robbery at the hands of the ruling classes today.
Photo credits: Gon Labudahon
For progressives, trade unionists, and leftists of all colors, it is always a cause of celebration when the people march. Yet as history shows, when the people decide that enough is enough and simmering discontent boils over in the streets, the people’s march is often accompanied by a slew of emotions — including anger. It was this righteous anger, the frustration at a system that normalizes our subordination, that we saw expressed in the throngs of people that mobilized across the country.
For most, indignation against the out-of-touch elites took the form of peaceful demonstrations. For some, rage against the system had to go beyond. We saw hundreds of disgruntled youth engage in direct confrontation with the state. Dissent turned into fury —- streets were occupied, establishments ransacked, and vehicles burnt. Police likewise responded in a brutal manner, arresting hundreds and lashing out even at journalists.
Once again, the contradictory nature of the people in arms has led to intense debate within progressive circles. Some condemned the violence of the mob as acts of hooliganism: directionless rage that hurt the reputation of the current movement against systemic corruption. Others went to the defense of these rioters, likely coming from an affirmation of the people’s spontaneity and the legitimacy of direct action.
For the Labor Education and Research Network (LEARN), what matters less is the “political content” (or the lack thereof) that drove these violent confrontations. Perhaps demanding that these people express their rage through programs and policies is not the point. Neither is it enough to just celebrate spontaneous, unorganized direct action. As trade unionists, we argue that the task of progressive forces is to help provide direction and structure to our legitimate feelings of frustration. This process would inevitably be informed by our own experiences, perspectives, values, and analyses of the social situation.
Photo credits: Gon Labudahon
Of course the people have the right to revolt in ways that make sense to them. But our job as organized forces is to help channel that energy into a politics and program of collective action. We cannot expect this solely from those disgruntled youth that stormed Mendiola. This is the task, historical one could say, of the organized left.
Shouldn’t we be asking how we might put forward a politics that addresses the root causes of the current upheaval? How do we mobilize the people’s fury into demands, even programs for action? Our focus shouldn’t be on what forms of action are legitimate. It should be about appealing to the sensibility, interests, and aspirations of the thousands that marched, and the millions that cheered us on.
Whether we develop a platform for the next elections, or a more general strategy of building people’s power, is a matter of political tactics.
As we go back to the practical work of cultivating the people’s anger, we continue with our immediate demands. We must continue pushing for accountability for the trillions stolen from us. To this end, we should support reforms such as people’s participation in the congressional budget hearings. We also join the calls to release those arrested during the recent upheaval.
There will be destruction as part of creating the new world that we want, especially if the powers that be react with violence. The people, in the moments that they become actors of history, do not always have to make sense. Making sense of the people’s wants and needs, translating feelings into programs and tactics, organizing mass movements — these are the objectives of collective action.
Pahayag tungkol sa Pagtaas ng Unemployment Rate sa 2025
Kaysa maglaan ng bilyones sa programang makakagawa ng nakabubuhay na trabaho, pinasok ito sa ghost projects, ayuda programs, at pagsusugal. Tumaas ng kalahating milyon ang bilang ng Pilipinong unemployed. Habang hirap na hirap ang mga Pilipino suportahan ang pamilya at sarili, mas malulunod pa tayo sa korupsyon ng iba’t ibang opisyales ng ating gobyerno.
Alam natin na hindi ito bago sa atin. Lagi na lang isyu ang unemployment, at takot na takot ang mga manggagawa na mawalan ng trabaho. Taon-taon kinakabahan tayo kung magkakaroon tayo ng sapat na pera para kumain, o kung may trabaho pa tayo. Mas lalong kawawa pa ang kabataang nagnanais ng trabahong nakabubuhay na pagkatapos ng ilang taon ng pag-aaral ay hindi rin nakakakamit ito.
Simple lang ang hinihingi ng mamamayang Pilipino: Disenteng trabaho na may kasiguraduhan.. Matapos ng 3 taon ay hindi pa ito nangyayari o inaaksyunan ng gobyerno.
Matagal nang nakalipas ang oras para idemanda ang nararapat sa atin: Mga programang sasalba sa atin mula sa kahirapan, mula sa kawalan ng seguridad. Isa lang ang “end endo” sa nakararaming mga pangako ng gobyerno na hindi tinutupad. Gawing regular ang mga trabaho! Wakasin na ang kontraktwalisasyon!
Need To Explain? Political Dynasties
Kalakaran ang mga magkakaanak sa pulitika sa Pilipinas. Hindi ito bagong problema, pero sa takbo ng panahon, mas lumalim ang kapit ng iilangangkan sa bansa natin.
Noon, mayroong dalawang antas pa lang ng political dynasty: 1) Thin, ang isa-isa o nagsasalitan na mga magkaanak sa piling posisyon sa gobyerno, at; 2) Fat kung saan iilang miyembro ng pamilya ay nasa iba’t ibang posisyon sa gobyerno. Ayon kina Mendoza, Jaminola, at Yap sa kanilang papel, halimbawa ang Pilipinas ngayon sa mas malalang antas ng political dynasty, ang obese: Higit sa limang miyembro ng pamilya ay sabay-sabay na nakaupo sa gobyerno. Karaniwan sa atin na nasa lokal (probinsya, munisipyo, barangay) ang base ng kapangyarihan ng mga pamilya, at habang tumatagal magkakaroon sila ng mas malaking pagkakataon na makapasok din sila sa mga posisyong pambansa o national.
Paano nakakahamak sa demokrasya ang mga political dynasty?
Naiipon sa apelyido nila ang kapangyarihan at kasangkapan upang maging padron: May kapangyarihan sila mamili kung kanino mapupunta ang mga pampublikong serbisyo, na magdesisyon kung saan ilalaan ang pondo mula sa buwis ng manggagawa’t mamamayan, kung ilalaan ito sa ayuda o sa iba’t-ibang personal na programa.
Sa isang lipunang laganap ang kahirapan at kawalang katiyakan, ang “politikang ayuda” ng mga angkan at trapo ang isa sa kanilang mga instrumento upang manatili sa kapangyarihan. Mauulit-ulit ang kanilang pagiging padron lalo na’t namimigay sila ng pansamantalang tulong o ayuda na may tatak ng angkan nila, kahit galing ito sa kaltas sa sahod natin o sa patong na buwis sa mga bilihin.
Imbis na serbisyo ng gobyerno, pinaparating nila na ito ay mula sa kanilang kabaitan. Halos sinasabi na kung mawala sila sa posisyon, mawawala na rin ang ayuda na sa totoo ay kaltas sa ating buwis. Sa ganitong paraan nawawasak ng politikang ayuda na sanhi ng political dynasties ang demokrasya. Ang pagboto at pagserbisyo ay nauuwi sa sino ang kaya magbigay, hindi kung ano ang laman ng programa ng mga kumakandidato.
Protesta ng SENTRO laban sa Zero Subsidy sa PhilHealth sa ilalim ng 2025 Budget.
Ano pwede natin gawin?
Sa darating na eleksyon, tayo’y bumoto base sa agenda ng manggagawa at ituloy natin ang pagbuo ng ating labor vote. Gamitin natin ang ating lakas bilang kilusan sa pagpapasok ng mga kampeon ng mga karapatan ng manggagawa sa gobyerno. Tayo’y nanaliksik at bumubuo ng mga mungkahing legislasyon para solusyunan ang mababang sahod, ang mataas na inflation, ang kawalan ng seguridad sa trabaho. Siguraduhin nating may makikinig sa boses natin bilang manggagawa, na may mananagot sa ating mga hinaing. Ipanalo natin ang mga kandidatong tutulong ipanalo rin ang ating agenda.
Gayundin, di mawawala ang mga problema natin sa isang eleksyon, o sa paghahanda para sa susunod. Ipatuloy ang gawain sa kilusang paggawa sapagkat nabubuhay ang demokrasya sa aktibong partisipasyon ng mga mamamayan. Ito ay pawang karapatan at tungkulin ng bawat Pilipino. Hindi natatapos ang ambag natin sa bansa sa eleksyon. Alalahanin natin na tayong mga manggagawa at mamamayan ang nagpopondo sa gobyerno, at kailangan nating siguraduhing nagagamit sa tamang paraan ang bunga ng ating marangal na paggawa.
Sanggunian:
Mendoza, Ronald U. and Jaminola, Leonardo and Yap, Jurel, From Fat to Obese: Political Dynasties after the 2019 Midterm Elections (September 1, 2019). ATENEO SCHOOL OF GOVERNMENT WORKING PAPER SERIES, September 2019, 19-013, Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=3449201 or http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3449201
Mga artikulo sa litrato:
- Espina-Varona, I. (2022, March 19). Political Dynasties 2022: Whether Red or Pink wins, families rule the regions. RAPPLER. https://www.rappler.com/philippines/elections/overview-political-dynasties-series-2022-polls/
- Fonbuena, A. B., Gab Yanzon, Carmela S. (2024, December 8). 71 of 82 Philippine governors belong to political families. PCIJ.Org; Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism. http://pcij.org/2024/12/08/governors-political-dynasties-philippines-provinces-elections/
- Miranda, G. L., Maujerie. (2024, October 26). 8 in every 10 district reps belong to dynasties. More than half are reelectionists in 2025. PCIJ.Org; Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism. http://pcij.org/2024/10/26/lower-house-district-representatives-political-dynasties-reelection/
- News, G. I. (2025, February 12). 55% of party-list groups don’t represent marginalized sectors — Kontra Daya. GMA News Online. https://www.gmanetwork.com/news/topstories/nation/936006/55-of-party-list-groups-don-t-represent-marginalized-sectors-kontra-daya/story/